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Rains turned everything into a swamp; despite the abundance of artesian water, families had to draw their own from irrigation ditches and carry it via buckets to their homes. Once a week, a grocery wagon arrived with fresh produce and meat—a necessity, since almost no one had refrigeration because there was little electricity. Some homes had dirt floors, some were just tents. But after organizing by the Americanization teachers and the Rev. Hunter of the First Presbyterian Church of Fullerton, the Ranch finally relented and built homes for workers with potable water inalong with a wooden classroom for first- second- and third-graders—tellingly, the Basque and white children on the Ranch were bussed to the "white" schools in the Fullerton flatlands, while the Mexican children on the Ranch had to trudge at least a half mile to school on dirt roads through orchards.

The census showed only a few Mexicans living on the Ranch; by the census, the official count was It had grown so much that the U. Tia Juana was the largest, then Mexicali, and they were around what's now Laguna Lake Park in Fullerton; the rest gravitated near what's now St. Stand-alone shacks remained dotted throughout the Ranch. Though the houses were downtrodden, they were well kept, with gardens of flowers and vegetables prettying the environment.

Mothers sent their children off to school scrubbed clean and dressed in their Sunday best. No one was an illegal immigrant; all the Bastanchury Mexicans were either American citizens or sponsored by their hosts, with most originating from Tepic, Jalisco.

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This bucolic life couldn't last. The celebrated citrus grove wasn't producing; it turned out that the soil on the Ranch wasn't conducive to large-scale, long-term growing, just as the old-timers had tried to tell the Bastanchurys. But something more nefarious had infested the Ranch as well. In just three years, Orange County politicians had gone from begging Congress for more Mexican labor to demanding that those workers give up their jobs, homes and lives to whites and return to Mexico.

Taking a kinder approach, church, civic and business groups asked Mexicans to leave, vowing to pay their train fare. Even the Mexican Consulate, not wishing to anger their American neighbors, organized return trips back, with promises of jobs that somehow never materialized. Without the family's patronage, the Bastanchury Mexicans were threatened. In the fall ofthe Mexican Consulate helped to organize a meeting in Fullerton to figure out how immigrants could stave off repatriation.

The government's deportation campaigns had begun in Orange County, organized by the local Department of Welfare.

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Even 45 years later, in an interview with a professor, the experience made Lucio shudder. There was no way for anyone to try to leave the train or run or complete their desire to return to the United States. In February ofthe Bastanchurys' empire was auctioned from the steps of the Orange County Courthouse and put under new management; within five days, a hundred unemployed white men swarmed the Ranch, confident white ownership would give them a job.

The era of the Bastanchury Mexicans was about to end. Sometime that spring, new management and a consortium of white business, political and civic leaders went to the Ranch's schoolhouse and told the Mexicans they had to leave. But it didn't work. In reality, the Mexicans were left penniless in a country that parents hadn't visited in years and their American-born children simply didn't know.

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Few, if any, ever returned to Orange County. Lucio recalled they "were very poor And they departed with work available on the Ranch: Houses were either sold off to other citrus camps or simply demolished and tossed back into the scrap heap from where they came. Years later, a Fullerton council member told the COHP that the census showed that the city had 10, residents; inthat figure shrank to 10, Bewildered, he admitted, "We finally found out that the reason for the population loss was because we lost the workers up" at the Ranch.

Some of the Bastanchury Mexicans, however, did evade the deportation train. One of those was the family of Fullerton resident Cuca Morales. Born inher birth certificate lists her place of birth as the "Tia Juanita Camp" at the Ranch. Her memories are clouded not by age—her mind is as sharp as someone half her age—but rather by the fact that she was only five when her parents were forced to move away.


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Cuca Morales, on one of the trails of the former Bastanchury Ranch. One shows her as a baby, held by her mother, as Cuca's father, who worked as a lemon picker, plays the violin and an unnamed man accompanies him on guitar. In another, she's a toddler standing by her mother's side in a group shot of women who took Mackey's Americanization classes. Behind them, rows of citrus groves stretch over the horizon.

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The family sold their house for a Buick, and they ended up living in La Habra's Alta Vista camp, where Morales grew up before moving to Fullerton, where she raised a family and has lived ever since. And when I bought my house in Fullerton, she said, 'I don't like Fullerton,' but never said why. But her daughter Clara—a retired employee of the United Auto Workers—does. It sounded like she was proud that she was from there. Instead, people want to forget us. To remember, Clara drives her mother through the streets of what was the Bastanchury Ranch—"what's now a bunch of rich people's homes," she cracks.

To see the cactus. It's spring again, and the hills of Fullerton are blooming. Native shrubs like coyote brush, Southern willow scrub and California sagebrush feature new branches; flowering plants like yellow sun cups, purple phacelia and orange monkeyflowers bloom. Hikers and bikers zip along trails and streets, most ending up at Laguna Lake Park off Euclid.

Across the street is the Robert E. Ward Nature Preserve, a fenced-off section of the West Coyote Hills that developers have long eyed to turn into more ranch-style homes. This is the heart of what was the Bastanchury Ranch—and from the parking lot of Sunny Hills Church of Christ you can see the earth alive with the new shoots of prickly pear cactus.

And it's these cacti that nearly everyone interviewed about the Ranch—from Arletta Kelly to Druzilla Mackey, Elsie Carlson to Cuca Morales, and so many more—brought up as the sole surviving remnant of the Bastanchury Mexicans, the sight always prompting them to recall the forgotten past. The hill of cactus off Euclid Avenue that the Bastanchury Mexicans would harvest. Those who lived through its demise mostly kept their memories to themselves, saving photos in albums not available to the public.


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  6. No full examination of the Bastanchury Mexicans exists: Mexican Repatriation in the s —and the former only devotes a few paragraphs, while the latter has but a sentence. But if the Ward Nature Preserve's colonies of cacti are the last-standing legacy of the lost Mexicans of the Bastanchury Ranch, then it's an almost cosmic landmark. The nopal is the ultimate metaphor for Mexicans, displayed on the Mexican flag as a reminder of who they are.

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    It's a plant that grows best in inhospitable conditions where little else can exist, one you can hack at but will still give, still thrive. And there on the Fullerton hills, long after the decline of the Ranch and the scattering of the Bastanchury Mexicans, the cactus plants stand sentry 80 years later, the most beautiful, nourishing memorial imaginable.

    The bill, ABwas authored by Assemblywoman Cristina Garcia, but she credits a class of fifth graders for the idea. Garcia encouraged students at Bell Gardens Elementary School to enter the contest after she saw them present on the historical event, and they told her it was hard to research. But most obviously, how voluntary is it if you have deportation raids by the federal government during the Hoover administration and people are disappearing on the streets?


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    4. You should be ready to go in two weeks. The bill itself includes a history of failed attempts to include the event in course material: SB Dunn of the Session was substantively similar to this bill and was vetoed by the Governor. Both proposed to add the topic of Mexican American deportation to the required course of study for grades SB Cedilloalso of the Session proposed similar requirements.

      To avoid a comparable veto on ABthe Assembly Committee on Education requested a law that would ask schools to seriously consider inclusion of Mexican Repatriation in solteros de dodge city ks population They wrote in the bill: The video includes some of the testimony of Mrs.

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      Enrique Ochoa eochoa3 calstatela. There was just one problem — the reform didn't work. The law was supposed to put a stop to illegal immigration into the United States once and for all. Instead, the exact opposite happened.